President Obama and Libya: political perspective two

Ph.D. | 6/22/2011, 6:04 p.m.

And Arab democracy? That is indeed a pipe dream.

For those who've read seriously even a portion of American foreign policy history and the evolving patterns of international rules of engagement, it is clear that one of the prevailing code words within that context is 'intervention for humanitarian purposes--to save lives.' This is short hand for 'regime change,' 'political assassination' and 'ignored sovereignty.' Along this pathway, achieving Col. Qadaffi's death or failure in that and watching him survive are the most probable ignominious results of the president's Libyan choice. Both are no-wins for America.

Make no mistake, the president is setting no precedent here (except ignoring his own military attorneys' advice and being the first African American president to invade an African country).

From the 1788 ratification of our current constitution to 1950, presidents of the U.S.A. have regularly exerted their muscle by sending American troops into foreign military engagements, violating or bending the intent of Article I, Sections 11-16 of the U.S. Constitution, which in non-ambiguous language gives the power to Congress, and only to Congress, to declare war on an enemy of this country.

Most of the times, however, from Washington to Roosevelt, including President Lincoln's famous order to engage the South in the Civil War while Congress was in recess, the presidents always consulted with Congress and got its approval, even belatedly, for large-scale military operations.

However, starting with President Harry S. Truman and his response to the North Korean invasion of South Korea in 1949-50, American presidents have looked for and found convenient political ways to avoid having Congress "interfere" with presidential authority to send American troops into military hostilities, and they have created a very fuzzy standard for any of us to reference.

In fact, truth be told, President Truman provided current President Obama, himself a presidential scholar, the very road map he needed in handling the Libyan situation. Recommended by his Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, President Truman requested and got from the United Nations--then a five-year old body--the written authority to launch a military campaign against North Korea under the auspices of an international gathering of troops, thus avoiding any need for congressional approval. Fifty-odd years later, recommended by his Secretary of state Hiliary Clinton, President Obama circumvented congressional authority by requesting and receiving permission from the U.N. to attack Libya.

Congressmen then sued the president, and lost. Former Congressman Ron Dellums sued former President Bush over Desert Storm. He, too, lost. There is now another gathering body of congressmen who have filed suit against President Obama for violating the War Powers Act. They, too, will lose as the federal court, with precedent on its side, will again refuse to hear the case.

The only real option Congress has is to de-fund President Obama's Libyan war, no matter what euphemism is used to describe that situation. Otherwise, the $800 million this particular escapade has already cost will balloon into $1.5 to $2 billion for a war America simply should not be engaged in, not now, not next week, and not next month.

One must admire the president's logic and analytical skills. But one must also question why he has this time chosen to throw American money into a dark, dark hole. Is there something warrior-strange about the water in the White House?

Professor David L. Horne is founder and executive director of PAPPEI, the Pan African Public Policy and Ethical Institute, which is a new 501(c)(3) pending community-based organization or Non-Governmental Organization (NGO). It is the step-parent organization for the California Black Think Tank which still operates and which meets every fourth Friday.

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