Extradition of suspected Jamaican drug lord Christopher Anthony Coke

Sarah Whitaker and Stanley William Covington III | 7/14/2010, 5 p.m.

Nearly one year, and 70 fatalities after, the United States government began trying to extradite suspected Jamaican drug lord Christopher Anthony Coke on charges of international narcotic and firearms trafficking crimes, the campaign finally paid off according to officials at the U.S. Marshall's office.
All the major news networks in the United States have covered this incident, and not once has the phrase "blowback" been used in regards to the civil unrest and weapons charges Coke is being charged with. And the concept and practice is very much at work in this case. Examples of blowback in the intelligence community include: The Italian Mafia don Lucky Luciano assisted the Allies during World War II by protecting East Coast ports from Nazi sabotage, and the U.S. turned a blind eye to drug (heroine) smuggling by that same crime organization. The Taliban coming to power as a result of the Central Intelligence Agency's involvement in Afghan-Soviet war during late '70s is another example that quid pro quo.
The crack epidemic in South Los Angeles resulted from the Contra's war, and possibly the actions of ex-drug kingpin Ricky Ross. The current threat of nuclear armament taking place in Iran and the CIA's destabilization of a pre-Shah government that ran Iran in the early 1950s.
In all these cases, a foreign government was directly and indirectly impacted by the destabilization actions of the CIA and the consequences became detrimental to the United States security or its improvised communities where individuals were exposed to illegal drugs years later.

Christopher Coke
On June 22, Jamaican authorities intercepted and captured Coke at a road block along the Mandela Highway between Spanish Town and Kingston. According to local news agencies, Coke who was wearing a wig and glasses, was accompanied by peace activist Rev. Al Miller, and was on his way to turn himself in to the American government at its Kingston Embassy.
Coke, also known as "Dudus," is the leader of the infamous Shower Posse gang, the latest of the "dons" or government strong men allegedly associated with a political party known as the Jamaican Labor Party (JLP) now in power. For the past two years, it has been headed by Prime Minister Bruce Golding .The JLP was a pro U.S. political party during the early '70s and became an ally to the United States during its war on communism. Coke controlled the area of Tivoli Gardens, which is part of Golding's constituency in the West Kingston section of the Parish of St. Andrew. Traditionally, Dons secure votes from the garrison communities for their political party candidates.
To do so, they usually resort to crimes and violence against non-compliant constituents as well as supporters of the opposing party.

Garrison Communities
"The most vulgar and dysfunctional manifestation of the process of political tribalism has been the development of "the garrison" within constituencies. These have evolved from the same process of partisan scarce benefit distribution.
"At one level, a garrison community can be described as one in which anyone who seeks to oppose, raise opposition to or organize against the dominant party would definitely be in danger of suffering serious damage to their possessions or person thus making continued residence in the area extremely difficult, if not impossible. A garrison, as the name suggests, is a political stronghold, a veritable fortress completely controlled by a party."
"The politicians are to a great extent responsible for our type of politics and the resultant factional conflicts in the country and, therefore, have a special obligation to join in the efforts to put an end to political tribalism. The political leaders are aware of this, and the signing by them of the Peace Agreements on 1989 and 1993 is manifest admission of such knowledge."
"For over three decades, politicians of both major Jamaican political parties, the JLP and Peoples National Party, have banked on a cadre of dons and their garrison communities to secure or advance their political positions." -From the July 1997 report of The National Committee on Political Tribalism presented by Committee Chair, Justice James Kerr